Democracy: Open the Ballot, Protect the Vote, Follow the Money

A TIP policy tab. Last updated October 5, 2026. Dollar amounts, ratios and dates are marked TBA until they are scored.

Still in draft. This plank is a working proposal, not final policy. Every dollar amount, signature number and target date is TBA. State ballot rules change often and must be rechecked for 2028. Congress's power over presidential ballot rules, the reading of two 2026 Supreme Court decisions, the election-law wording and the crypto-contribution rules all need legal review before this is final.

The short version

Democracy only works if people can run, vote and see who is paying. Today a new party must clear 50 different sets of rules to reach one national ballot, with signature requirements that run from a few hundred to well over a hundred thousand. The Supreme Court narrowed the Voting Rights Act in April 2026 and struck down limits on party coordination in June. About four million Americans cannot vote because of a past conviction. And billions in outside money, some of it from crypto and AI, flows through groups the public cannot trace. TIP's plan has four parts: one fair national standard for presidential ballot access, voting rights written back into law, rights restored when a sentence ends, and every election donor disclosed. TIP holds itself to the same rule: it is self-funded, takes no outside money, and its candidates pay their own way onto the ballot.

What is happening now

Ballot access is 50 different rules. Every state offers a petition route for independents and one for party nominees, and 48 allow write-ins; New Mexico and South Carolina do not (NASS, 2024). In 2016 the signature requirement for an independent presidential candidate ran from 275 in Tennessee to 178,039 in California (Ballotpedia). In 2024 independent filing deadlines ran from May 13 in Texas to September 6 in Kentucky and Mississippi (Wikipedia, secondary). Recheck every number for 2028.
It is expensive. Robert F. Kennedy Jr.'s super PAC estimated "$40 to $50 million just to collect all the necessary signatures" in 2024 (CBS News). Texas required over 113,000 signatures and Florida about 145,000 (CBS; State Court Report). Georgia required 7,500 signatures but ties them to a notarization rule that Ballot Access News calls one of the country's worst.
Who got on in 2024. Libertarian Chase Oliver was on 47 state ballots plus 4 write-in states, Green Party's Jill Stein 37 plus 7, and Kennedy 31 plus 3 (Wikipedia, secondary). New York was the only state where no third-party or independent presidential candidate qualified. As of December 2024 the Libertarian Party was ballot-qualified in 32 states, Greens in 15 and the Constitution Party in 11 (Independent Political Report).
The rules are getting tighter in places. Ballot Access News (September 2026) reports that Oregon disqualified the Constitution and We the People parties for too few registered members, that a federal judge upheld New Mexico's double-petitioning rule, and that Iowa tightened its requirements. It also counts 141 independent U.S. House nominees in 2026, up from 58 in 2024.
Debates have two tests. The Commission on Presidential Debates requires 15% in polls and ballot access that gives a mathematical chance at 270 electoral votes. No change for 2028 has been announced (Ballotpedia; the page may predate 2026).
The Supreme Court narrowed the Voting Rights Act. In Louisiana v. Callais, decided April 29, 2026, the Court ruled 6 to 3 (Alito writing) that Louisiana's second majority-Black district was an unconstitutional racial gerrymander. It also raised the bar for Section 2 claims: a strong inference of intentional discrimination, maps that satisfy the state's political goals, controls for partisanship, and "much less weight" for historical discrimination (Cornell LII summary; Brennan Center). The John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act was reintroduced July 29, 2025 with 49 Senate cosponsors, and I found no action in 2026.
Both parties redrew the maps mid-decade. Reported 2025-26 redraws include Texas (signed August 29, 2025; the Supreme Court let it stand April 27, 2026), North Carolina and Ohio (Republican gains), California's Proposition 50 (approved November 4, 2025 with 64.42%), and after Callais, Louisiana and Tennessee. Virginia voters approved a Democratic plan April 21, 2026 and the Virginia Supreme Court voided it May 8. On September 25, 2026 the U.S. Supreme Court ruled Missouri must use its 2022 map in November (Texas Tribune; Missouri Independent; Wikipedia, secondary).
Voting rules are in court. The SAVE America Act, which would require proof of citizenship, "stalled out and failed" in the Senate in April 2026 (Campaign Legal Center). A federal court permanently blocked parts of the March 2025 elections executive order (EO 14248); appeal status was not checked. In Watson v. RNC (June 29, 2026) the Court ruled 5 to 4 that states may count mail ballots postmarked by Election Day that arrive later. The Justice Department sued 30 states and D.C. for voter rolls; 26 suits were dismissed and 4 are pending (CBS, October 1, 2026).
About 4 million Americans cannot vote because of a past conviction. The Sentencing Project counts about 4 million, down from 5.9 million in 2016. Virginia has a rights-restoration amendment on the November 3, 2026 ballot.
Money: the court removed another limit. In NRSC v. FEC (June 30, 2026) the Court ruled 6 to 3 (Kavanaugh writing) that limits on coordinated party expenditures are unconstitutional, overruling Colorado Republican II (2001) according to Covington. Outside spending in the 2024 cycle was $4.5 billion, with more than $1 billion from shell companies and dark-money groups (OpenSecrets via Wausau Pilot).
The watchdog has no quorum. The Federal Election Commission has had only two commissioners and no quorum since May 2025. Two nominees were named February 11, 2026 and had no Senate hearing as of September 17, 2026. The enforcement backlog is 307 cases (FEC notice; Washington Sun).
Crypto and AI are now big political donors. Public Citizen reports the crypto super PAC Fairshake raised $135 million (Ripple $48.5 million, Coinbase $33 million) and the AI super PAC Leading the Future $75.1 million, including $50 million from Andreessen Horowitz. Public Citizen is an advocacy group and the figures are undated; other reports put Leading the Future higher. A 2014 FEC opinion allows bitcoin contributions valued at market price and subject to limits (AO 2014-02); with no quorum, no newer rule is possible.
Ranked-choice voting and the popular vote. Alaska and Maine use ranked-choice voting statewide. Alaska's Ballot Measure 2 in November 2026 would repeal it; a 2024 repeal failed by 737 votes (Alaska Beacon). The National Popular Vote compact has 18 states plus D.C., with 222 electoral votes of the 270 needed; Virginia joined April 13, 2026 (Wikipedia, secondary).
D.C. and Puerto Rico. The D.C. Admission Act (H.R. 51 and S. 51) was reintroduced in this Congress with no floor action found. Puerto Rico statehood is TIP's Operation 51st Star.

What the evidence says

The ballot-access gap is real. Requirements vary more than 600 to 1 (275 to 178,039 signatures in 2016 data) and are set by state legislatures that the two big parties control. (Strong; figures are 2016 and need updating.)
Cost keeps most candidates off. A well-funded 2024 effort priced all-state access at $40 to $50 million. Most independents and small parties qualify in far fewer states. (Moderate; one campaign's estimate.)
Courts allow some limits but not any limit. Anderson v. Celebrezze (1983) struck an Ohio filing deadline that was too early for independents, and Burdick v. Takushi (1992) set a balancing test for state election rules. State rules survive when they serve real interests and do not burden too much. (Strong on the law; each case turns on facts.)
Callais made voting-rights claims harder. Plaintiffs now need to meet new tests on intent, maps and partisanship. The Brennan Center says the decision reworks the framework used since 1986. (Moderate; read the opinion.)
Rights restoration works as policy. The number of people barred from voting fell from 5.9 million in 2016 to about 4 million, as states changed rules. (Moderate; Sentencing Project.)
Small-donor programs show mixed results. A study of Seattle's voucher program found it mostly mobilized wealthier, whiter, older voters. Georgetown reports that participation rose among Black, Hispanic, young and low-income residents. (Conflicting studies.)

How the pieces fit together

TIP asks no more of the system than it asks of itself. TIP is self-funded and takes no outside money. TIP's candidates pay for their own ballot access and campaigns, and no candidate's donor gets a say in the platform. This plank wants that to be easier, not free.
Three problems, one rule. A fair path to the ballot, a vote that counts, and money in the open. If one fails, the others do not fix it.
Neutral on the parties, firm on the rules. Both parties gerrymander and both write ballot rules. TIP's test is whether a rule helps a voter or a candidate, not who it helps.
Links to other planks. 2KUSA is for all Americans, including people leaving prison, and rights restoration keeps that promise. Puerto Rico statehood is its own plank. AI and crypto donors are covered here once, and the AI plank points to this one.

The plan: stops on the itinerary

Every amount, ratio and date below is TBA unless noted, as with the other planks. Each stop names the fixed destination and the flexible route.

Stop 1: One fair national standard for the presidential ballot

The destination. A candidate who shows real support once gets on every state's presidential ballot. One national signature total, one deadline, free filing, online signing and no notarization.
The route (flexible). Congress sets the total (TBA) and the deadline. States keep their own rules for other offices. Whether Congress can set rules for presidential electors needs legal review: the Constitution lets states choose how electors are appointed and lets Congress set the day.
Who pays. Small administrative cost to states, and a federal check of signatures. A federal check replaces 50 separate ones. Cost TBA.
Target date. TBA.

Stop 2: TIP's candidates pay their own way

The destination. TIP funds the party. Candidates fund their campaigns. Ballot access, petitions, filing fees and campaign costs are each candidate's responsibility. No candidate's donor, at any level, gets a say in TIP's platform.
The route (flexible). TIP's go or no-go check is one to two weeks before each state's filing deadline, and write-in status does not count. TIP asks Stop 1 to make that cost small, but until it passes the rule stands.
Who pays. Candidates. TIP pays for party operations only, with no outside money.
Target date. TBA.

Stop 3: A debate stage that does not depend on polls

The destination. Any candidate on enough ballots to win (270 electoral votes) is invited to the general-election debates.
The route (flexible). Ask the FEC to require "objective criteria" that are not polling thresholds. Ask broadcasters and sponsors to adopt it. The Commission on Presidential Debates is a private group, so this is pressure and rule-writing, not a direct order.
Who pays. No cost to the public.
Target date. TBA.

Stop 4: Voting rights written back into law

The destination. Congress restores the protections the Court narrowed in Callais. People can challenge a map or a rule that dilutes their vote, with a test written by Congress, and repeat offenders must clear changes in advance.
The route (flexible). Pass the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act or a successor. Write the Section 2 test into statute. Congress should also ban mid-decade redistricting and require independent commissions for congressional maps.
Who pays. Federal enforcement; cost TBA.
Target date. TBA.

Stop 5: Make it easy and keep it safe

The destination. Anyone eligible can register and vote, and every vote leaves a paper record that is audited. Mail voting stays. Ballots postmarked by Election Day count, as the Court held states may allow.
The route (flexible). Automatic or same-day registration. Free ID for anyone who needs one. A public notice before any voter is removed from the rolls. Paper ballots and routine audits in every state.
Who pays. Federal grants to states for equipment and audits. Cost TBA.
Target date. TBA.

Stop 6: Rights come back when the sentence ends

The destination. No one loses the vote for life. Voting rights are restored on release, with no fees or fines standing in the way. People in prison are counted where they lived, not where they are held.
The route (flexible). Congress sets the rule for federal elections. States are encouraged by grants. The Census count place is a separate legal question.
Who pays. Low cost. Registration help comes through the halfway-house bridge in the Housing plank.
Target date. TBA.

Stop 7: Every election donor disclosed

The destination. Any group that spends to influence an election discloses its real donors, above a small threshold (TBA), within days. Crypto and AI money get the same rule as any other.
The route (flexible). Congress writes the disclosure rule. Crypto contributions are valued at market price and traced to a real person. Anonymous crypto gifts are barred. Senate acts on the FEC nominees so the commission can enforce the rules. TIP backs a constitutional amendment that lets Congress limit money in elections, as with No Exceptions (two-thirds of Congress and 38 states).
Who pays. Enforcement cost. FEC budget TBA. The amendment costs nothing to propose.
Target date. TBA.

Stop 8: Public servants do not profit from the job

The destination. Members of Congress and senior officials do not trade individual stocks while in office. They do not go to work for the industries they oversee for a cooling-off period (TBA).
The route (flexible). Congress writes the rule, with a blind trust or index-fund option. The AI plank applies the same rule to AI regulators.
Who pays. No cost.
Target date. TBA.

Stop 9: Every American has a vote, and so do the territories

The destination. Citizens in D.C. and Puerto Rico get full representation in Congress and a vote for president.
The route (flexible). D.C. statehood and Puerto Rico statehood (Operation 51st Star), or other full representation. A national popular vote and ranked-choice voting are TIP's second-choice reforms, to be chosen by states; TIP does not ask Congress to force them.
Who pays. No cost.
Target date. TBA.

Hard questions

"Won't easy ballot access flood the ballot with spoilers?" Supporters of strict rules argue they prevent ballot clutter and voter confusion. TIP answers with a real, reasonable signature standard, not no standard. The goal is a fair test of support, not an open door.
"Can Congress set presidential ballot rules?" That is open. States choose how electors are appointed, and Congress picks the day. TIP asks lawyers to confirm the best path. The fallback is an interstate compact or a constitutional amendment.
"Doesn't money count as speech? What about Citizens United?" The Court has said so, and NRSC v. FEC (June 2026) went further. TIP does not try to ban spending by law. It asks for full disclosure, which the Court has accepted, and supports an amendment for limits.
"If TIP wants lower costs, why do your candidates pay for their own ballot access?" Because that is the rule today, and TIP's rule is self-funded with no outside money. TIP admits that rule favors people with money. That is why Stop 1 exists.
"Isn't voter ID or proof of citizenship needed?" People disagree. Supporters say it prevents fraud and builds trust. Opponents say it keeps eligible people from voting. TIP's rule is a free ID for anyone who needs one, paper ballots, audits and no unannounced purges. The SAVE America Act failed in the Senate in April 2026.
"Should ex-offenders vote?" TIP says yes, after release, and counts it as part of finishing the sentence. Some states agree, and Virginia has an amendment on the November 3, 2026 ballot.

Still to be set (TBA)

The national signature total and deadline. The donor-disclosure threshold. Cooling-off periods. Federal grant amounts. The cost of federal signature verification. TIP will publish the scoring when it exists.

Sources

NASS: State laws regarding presidential ballot access, July 29, 2024 (nass.org)
Ballotpedia: Ballot access for presidential candidates; Commission on Presidential Debates (ballotpedia.org)
CBS News: RFK Jr.'s quest for the presidential ballot in 50 states, August 2024 (cbsnews.com); State Court Report: How candidates get on the presidential ballot (statecourtreport.org)
Independent Political Report: 2024 post-election ballot access for alternative parties, December 2024 (independentpoliticalreport.com)
Ballot Access News, September 2026 print edition (ballot-access.org); FairVote: The worst ballot access laws (fairvote.org)
Cornell LII and Brennan Center on Louisiana v. Callais, April 29, 2026 (law.cornell.edu; brennancenter.org)
Durbin and Warnock: John R. Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act reintroduced, July 29, 2025 (durbin.senate.gov)
Texas Tribune, April 27, 2026; Missouri Independent, September 25, 2026; Voting Rights Lab, August 19, 2026; Wikipedia: 2025-2026 United States redistricting (secondary)
Votebeat: Watson v. RNC, June 29, 2026; CBS News: DOJ voter-roll lawsuits, October 1, 2026; Campaign Legal Center: SAVE America Act fails, April 21, 2026
Maryland Attorney General: court strikes down provisions of the March 2025 elections executive order, June 25, 2026 (oag.maryland.gov)
Sentencing Project: Voting rights for all (sentencingproject.org)
FEC: NRSC v. FEC update; notice of lack of quorum, April 6, 2026; AO 2014-02 (fec.gov); SCOTUSblog, June 2026; Washington Sun on the FEC backlog
OpenSecrets via Wausau Pilot, May 31, 2025 (2024 outside spending); Public Citizen: Corporate supremacist super PACs (citizen.org)
APSR: Campaign finance vouchers do not expand the diversity of donors, Seattle (cambridge.org); Georgetown McCourt School: Seattle democracy voucher program
Alaska Beacon, July 29, 2026 (Ballot Measure 2); FairVote: 2026 elections and ranked-choice voting; Wikipedia: National Popular Vote Interstate Compact (secondary)
Anderson v. Celebrezze, 460 U.S. 780 (1983); Burdick v. Takushi, 504 U.S. 428 (1992) (justia.com)